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Personhood and the Body. In: Insoll, T, ed. In: Mary Beaudry and Dan Hicks, ed. Pattern and diversity in the Early Neolithic mortuary practices of Britain and Ireland: contextualising the treatment of the dead. Relational personhood as a subject of anthropology and archaeology: comparative and complementary analyses.

In: Garrow, D. Archaeology and Anthropology: understanding similarities, exploring difference. Oxford: Oxbow, , pp. Cambridge Archaeological Journal , 19 1 , Comment on 'The regeneration of life: Neolithic structures of symbolic remembering and forgetting' Ian Kuijt, this issue. Current Anthropology , 49 2 , Fractal bodies in the past and present. In: Dusan Boric and John Robb, ed.

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Oxford: Archaeopress, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Insitute , 13 3 , Landscape and personhood. In: David, B; Thomas, J, ed. Handbook of Landscape Archaeology. California: Left Coast Press, , pp. Identity politics: personhood, kinship, gender and power in Neolithic and early Bronze Age Britain. In: Conlin Casella, E. New York: Springer, , pp. Casella, E, Fowler, C, ed. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers Group, In touch with the past? Bodies, monuments and the sacred in the Manx Neolithic.

In: Cummings, V. Oxford, UK: Oxbow Books, , pp.

The Archaeology of Personhood: An anthropological approach. London, UK: Routledge, The form and setting of Manx chambered cairns: cultural comparisons and social interpretations. Cummings V, Fowler C, ed. The Neolithic of the Irish Sea: Materiality and traditions of practice.

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Places of transformation: building monuments from water and stone in the Neolithic of the Irish Sea. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute , 9 1 , Rates of ex change: Decay and growth, memory and the transformation of the dead in early Neolithic southern Britain. Aaron Gasparik Analysing the variations in rotator cuff disease prevalence in skeletal assemblages from different geographic, social and temporal contexts throughout the UK.

Jill Goulder Modern development studies as a resource for understanding working animal use in later human prehistory: the example of 4th-3rd millennium BC Mesopotamia. Pauline Harding Ritual, identity and ideology: constructing the past in sub-Saharan Africa. Cara Hirst Biomechanical adaptations of the human mandible in relation to dietary changes occurring over time.

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Lisa Monetti Evidence of changing cremation practices in Britain through analysis of cremated human remains. Haggai Mor Issues concerning the function and purpose of archaeological material collections. Luisa Nienhaus Remembering Europe's bloody past: How do contemporary commemorations of the Napoleonic Wars reflect changing ideas of Europe and European identities?

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Some coastal groups also made considerable use of sea mammals, especially Dugong Dugon, particularly where access to shallow calm waters was found inside barrier reefs. Both marine and freshwater shellfish were substantial sources of food among lowland groups Egloff a; Bulmer c; Allen a. It has been assumed that the pig Sus scrofa only reached New Guinea with the assistance of man, and that its presence is therefore indirect evidence of the presence of agriculture, as the pig has to be fed to be kept tame Bulmer b ; Allen b.

The pig could, of course, have been supported on sago, without agriculture Oosterwal : s; Hughes , but sago does not grow above about 1, m. Therefore, the recent discovery of a pig incisor in the faunal collections from Kiowa, from a layer dated to 10, years, presents a different problem of interpretation. The earliest pigs previously reported were from , years ago. There is much medium-sized mammal bone yet to be identified in the collections from Kiowa, so this single example may be supported by further specimens. Pig species are widespread and diverse in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, although the taxonomic status of the various local forms seems unclear.

Wild pig was commonly hunted in the late Pleistocene Gorman : , and Sus barbatus, the Bearded Pig, was the commonest animal hunted in prehistoric Borneo Harrisson Van Heekeren : 98, , cites Sus vitattus Temm. Whatever the status of pigs in the early sites, it is apparent that pig was an important game animal. Perhaps it is underestimating the pig's capacity, to restrict it to human- assisted introduction to Papua New Guinea, as Sus scrqfa, probably originally of southern Asian origin, was widespread throughout much of the world in the late Pleistocene and present in the Philippines by 8, years ago White Forrest : 97 and Wallace : , among others, observed that the pig in Indonesia was a strong swimmer and these writers assumed that the pig was so widespread because it travelled freely by itself by water3.

On the other hand, there is no reason for the pig not.

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The criteria for distinguishing domestic pig from wild pig are not clear, although some change in dentition is thought to have occurred Cole : 26 , and sequences form wild to domestic Sus scrofa have been established for a number of regions elsewhere in the world. However, the situation is confused by the domestic pig's facility to go feral and to mate freely with feral pig, and in fact in Papua New Guinea, only in the Highlands where wild pigs are virtually absent do domestic pigs form distinct breeding populations R.

Bulmer : In any case, detailed study of the existing specimens of prehistoric pig from Papua New Guinea is needed. It is unlikely that the pig incisor at Kiowa 10, years ago represents a wild pig living in the mountains at that altitude 1, m , as modern wild pig in Papua New Guinea normally lives in disturbed forest or mixed forest- garden-grassland zones lower than this Rappaport : 70; R. The Kiowa pig could, however, have been a lowland wild pig that reached the Highlands through trade, either ' on the hoof, or as a carcase.

The question must remain open for the present until further specimens are available, and detailed study of the bone collections completed. While it is possible that wild or feral pig was established in the lowlands of Papua New Guinea at an early date, it is also likely that many additional pigs were brought subsequently by immigrants and traders to Papua New Guinea.

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The earliest evidence for substantial numbers of pigs in the montane archaeological sites is between 5, and 6, years ago Bulmer b; White : These finds may be plausibly interpreted as domestic pig, as during the same period forest clearance and technological changes are also evident. This means that domestic pig must have been well-established in lowland Papua New Guinea by the same period, although the earliest evidence so far from the lowlands is from the 'Lapita' sites, 2, to 3, years.

Man's impact on his environment. Forest clearance. It can be assumed that human intervention affected the composition of the natural forest during the period of human settlement, just as it does today through the selective cutting and protecting of certain plant species, and through the activities of hunting R.

Likewise, hunting and collecting peoples affect grasslands through burning and hunting and can even create grasslands through burning of forest Jones : Studies of pollen sites give direct evidence for the antiquity of the clearance of forest by man. Powell a, b found evidence for seriously disturbed oak forest by 5, years ago at the Draepi site 1, m in the.

Previously there had been Nothofagus forest, between about 23, and 18, years ago, although there was no pollen found representing the period between about 18, and 5, years. However, the evidence is interpreted to reflect widespread forest clearance by the latter date, as there was a marked increase in the pollen of semi-cultivated species and garden weeds by then. Similar evidence was found at the Manton site see below , and Walker and Flenley reported evidence for similar forest disturbance at the Sirunki site 2, m near Wabag at about 4, years ago Hope : f.

In contrast, G. Hope found the disturbance of the upper Nothofagus forest on Mt. Wilhelm is apparent only from about , years ago at sites 2, m and above Hope : Modern Highlands cultivators plant trees around their settlements and in gardens to provide wood for building and fencing and fires, to provide tree cover, and to assist in the stabilization and restoration of the soils of the gardens during cultivation and fallow.

The evidence from the pollen record so far is that this practice is relatively recent. Powell b interpreted the drastic reduction of forest species in the upper Wahgi before about 5, years ago as a probable indication of shifting swidden agriculture, with substantial clearance of forest species over a wide area. The pollen from forest species recovered later, increasing during the period of cultivation of the valley swampland sites from about 2, and years ago.

Then the swampland sites seem to have been generally abandoned, and there was another reduction of the pollens of forest species, accompanied by a relative increase in Casuarina and Dodonaea pollens. Pollens from these trees were present in some small proportion prior to 5, years ago but their marked increase since years ago is interpreted as possibly reflecting the selective protection and replanting of these species, consistent with modern tree-fallow cultivations.

Casuarina pollen increased in proportion to other species at the Lake Inin site at years ago Flenley : and at Mt. Wilhelm between about and 1, years ago. However, at Mt. Wilhelm there was a very marked increase in Casuarina pollen less than years ago Hope : Anthropogenic grasslands, which cover large areas of New Guinea, are one of the more conspicuous of man's effects on his environment Robbins a, b; Haantjens et al.

The process of the creation of.

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